INDEX:
MOUNT KENYA UNIVERSITY OF KENYA
CHALLENGES OF THE MAASAI GIRLS IN ACCESSING AND COMPLETING BASIC PRIMARY AND HIGH SCHOOL EDUCATION:
A CASE STUDY OF THE MAASAI COMMUNITY OF LOITOKITOK
DISTRICT, KAJIADO COUNTY
BY
NYANYUKI TITO
V21/2011/13
A SENIOR RESEARCH PAPER SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR POST GRADUATE DIPLOMA IN EDUCATION
SEPTEMBER, 2013
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I sincerely thank and appreciate my supervisor for his support. I am deeply indebted to him for guiding me accordingly. His patience, tolerance and encouragement influenced me to cultivate towards work and instilled in me the essence of hard work.
Many thanks to the girls of Loitokitok District, Mr. Kennedy Njenga, Mr. Daniel Momoi, Mr. Francis Muku and the Loitokitok District Education Office for taking their time to respond to my questions.
I also want to express my utmost gratitude to the many women whose names I haven’t mentioned here who took their time to assist me in getting the relevant information for this research.
Deep appreciation also goes to family and friends for their unwavering support throughout the entire study period.
God bless you
Abstract
The main objective of the study was to find out the challenges the Maasai girls of school going age face in their quest to access basic primary and secondary education in Kimana Division of Loitokitok District. Another objective was to find out causes for low attendance and high dropouts of girls in Maasai primary and secondary schools of the area of research. All these demonstrate education as an instrument of liberty, domination, and development. Educating a female child (the ‘nurturer’ of future generations) ensures that values and other advantages of education are passed on and sustained in every community in our developing nations.
Primary education, the foundational education, although so important, is still not at a satisfactory level (especially girls enrolment) in developing countries. Records show that from the 1980’s to the 2000’s, there was a significant increase in girls’ enrolment in schools in developing nations although this enrolment is still quite low and dropout levels of girls still remains high.
Barriers to satisfactory enrolment of girls in primary education in developing countries include poverty and costs of education; social and cultural conventions which consider male children as being more important or valuable than female children leading to gender inequalities; early marriage and pregnancies as well as lack of clearly defined indicators or mechanisms for enforcing implementation of policies developed to encourage the education of women.
Findings also indicate low enrolment and high drop out rates for girls in the research area. Obstacles to girls’ education in the research area include: long distances that some of the children have to walk to get to the only available primary school, gender roles of the girls and even, sometimes the government fails to make close follow-up to ensure compliance with the directive to send children to school.
Findings also indicated that mothers who got primary school education often ensure that their own children (especially female) go to school. There is high awareness of such women on family planning techniques as well as involvement by them in improved business, agricultural and other livelihood activities.
Some of the study recommendations are:
The government and other responsible bodies should find appropriate means of allowing girls continue with school after having their babies.
Establish boarding schools in the Maasai areas specifically in the area of research to allow many children stay in school to reduce daily going to school.
The government should reduce the direct costs of schooling including tuition, textbooks, and uniforms to allow more children, specifically girls, attend school.
More flexible school schedules and hours should be allowed for girls to reconcile schooling with chores.
Enrolment of girls at the research area should be earlier than that of the government enrolment age of seven.
Literacy programs for parents, especially mothers, may complement the awareness campaigns by building motivation to allow girls to attend school.
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
1.1: BACKGROUND
During colonial rule the pastoralist groups in Kenya were the most educationally disadvantaged groups. In spite of the government effort to improving pastoral communities in the area of education, the culture orientation of this people directed such benefits to one side development. The males became the beneficiary of the education system and the female factor was ignored. It is painful reality that circumstances have forced us to addresses today. For the truth is that there will never be any meaningfully development in our land as long as half the population remains uneducated. Such disparity, such inequality brings our development locally, and even international to development.
This paper attempts to identify the problem impeding education of girls among the pastoral Maasai and suggest a number of strategies which need to be emphasized or introduction to alleviate the conspicuously low education of girl/woman among the Maasai. The paper outline a few of the benefits accrued from the education of woman, this point to the fact it is far more rewarding to educate girls than to marry them off an early age, with only a negligible benefits of six cows.
1.2: STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM: OVERVIEW OF THE DISPARITIES
Loitokitok District is located in Rift Valley Province in Kenya. It was split from Kajiado District in 2007. It borders the country of Tanzania in the south-west and has three administrative divisions, namely Central, Kimana and Rombo. Although the district is said to be cosmopolitan, it is predominantly occupied by the Maasai pastoralist community. It comprises an area of 6,300 [Km.sup.2] of which 80% is arid and semi-arid land. According to the District Education Office records, Loitokitok has 51 public primary schools with a population of 27,736 pupils.
According to Table 4.1.1, it shows disparities in the enrolment of boys and girls. Although the disparities may not appear alarming, retention and completion of primary school education by female students is a major area of concern. Moreover, Loitokitok Strategic Plan (2009-2013) reports show that 40,000 school going children have not yet been enrolled, majority of them being Maasai girls
The socio – economic status of people in Loitokitok is generally low as indicated by the poverty index of 65.5%. This implies that income levels are low for most people living in Loitokitok District. It also implies that most people and their families do not enjoy the essential services as they should and these services include; education, medical services, balanced diet, recreational facilities among others. These factors have a direct effect on their education and that of their families.
Students who come from economically stable families perform better than those who come from humble background, because the parents are able to pay their fees in time, provide relevant learning materials such as textbooks and uniforms. They are rarely sent home for school fee; hence they spend a lot of time in school and are able to concentrate on their studies. Loitokitok District was a relevant area for this study because people who live below poverty line in the district were estimated to be 65.5%. The main economic activities of the region include; pastoralism, growing tomatoes, onions and maize.
However, due extreme drought and lack of market no sufficient income is realized from these activities. It had been noted that the girl child’s academic performance was generally below average, yet, it is acknowledged that an educated girl plays a significant role in society as compared to an educated boy child. This is basically because women generally play major roles in the provision of essential services to the families particularly with respect to bringing up children in their formative stages.
The girl child continues to perform poorly in Kenya and also in Loitokitok. Therefore, there was need to conduct a study to establish the impact of family socio- economic status on academic achievement of girls in secondary education.
1.3: RESEARCH OBJECTIVES
This paper attempts to identify the problem impeding education of girls among the pastoral Maasai and suggest a number of strategies which need to be emphasized or introduction to alleviate the conspicuously low education of girl/woman among the Maasai. The paper also seeks to identify the main approaches used in the provision of girls’ education, particularly for the Maasai community in Loitokitok District.
The paper seeks to underline the policies on education best suit the semi-nomadic pastoralist girls’ education and outlines benefits accrued from the education of woman, this point to the fact it is far more rewarding to educate girls than to marry them off an early age.
1.4: THE SCOPE OF THE STUDY
This study involved several data collection methods; both quantitative and qualitative data were collected. Quantitative data was obtained through interviews while qualitative technique was utilized for collection of data through key informants’ discussion. The application of more than one instrument in data collection was useful in the sense that it provided checks and balances as regards to shortfalls characterized by each of the data gathering instrument. Data were gathered from both secondary and primary sources. Quantitative and primary data were gathered using questionnaires while qualitative data was being collected by direct observation and face to face interviews. Secondary data obtained from existing information, published and unpublished reports.
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
DISPARITIES OVERVIEW
Taking an overview of the distribution of education in Loitokitok District, the enrolment at different level of the academic ladder reflects amazing disparities between the sexes.
Education is fundamental to development. It empowers people and nations to become more powerful, secure, and is a key to achieving several of the Millennium Development Goals. Educating one’s child is among the basic legacies one can offer to enable them lead a better, more fulfilling and prosperous life. Education is an important factor in improving people's lives. It benefits people, society, and the whole world. Without education, the world of today’s cars, computers, electricity, planes, medicine, etc wouldn’t have existed (Global Fund for Children, 2002: p.4).
The Majority of the early literatures in gender and education were concerned with girls’ access to schooling and economic outcomes in the labour market (Elliot and Kelly, 1980). Women’s education and the right to health was top of the agenda at the UN Beijing Conference in September 1995, which reasserted women’s right to education, health, and restated their continuing disadvantages in these sectors. However, during the mid-decade review of ‘Schooling for All’ in Amman Conference at Jomtien in 1996, it was noted with dismay that disparities in girls’ access to schooling persisted despite the steady rise in primary enrolments world-wide since Jomtien.
Gender discrimination in education among the Maasai in Kenya is recognized as the number one cause of persistent poverty and all of its consequences, especially to health and nutrition of the Maasai people.
As recently documented in a report by the Ministry of Finance and Planning in Kenya, "the incidence of gender discrimination" in the District "is high." The report states:
"Illiteracy has emerged as the number one root cause of poverty in the district. Education is a means of overcoming poverty, increasing income, improving nutrition and health, reducing family size as well raising people's self confidence and enriching the quality of their lives. However, the incidence of gender discrimination in education is high. Most women tend to be illiterate, especially in rural areas. Chances of a girl child, as compared with the boy child being in school are proportionately lower and the discrimination continues... "
The report also recognizes that:
"...the gender gap in education however comes at a high cost to growth and development. For example, the mother's education is the single most important determinant of a family's health and nutrition. Female discrimination must be overcome through increased awareness on the importance of education for all, and in particular, increased female participation in education and formal sector employment..."
Republic of Kenya, Ministry of Finance and Planning, District Development Plan 2002-2008.
Another report states:
"...the major cause of poverty in the Loitokitok District is illiteracy... There exists profound gender disparities in provision of education and attainment of education at all levels of schooling."
Kenya National Coordinating Agency for Population and Development, District Strategic Plan 2005-2011.
Women are also expected to maintain a certain demeanor around men, and young girls are taught to obey this unspoken law at a young age. This is exemplified in the memoir My Maasai Life in which Robin Wiszowaty leaves the suburbs of Chicago as a twenty-two year old to live with a Maasai family in rural Kenya for a year. “I could see that as a young woman - and particularly as a young, unmarried woman, I would be expected to assume a very specific role in the family and in the community as a whole”
(Wiszowaty 49). She goes on to explain that behaving casually around men, or overly enthusiastic would imply that she was an “easy” woman. “Men were the centre of attention, while women were meant to keep conversation going while sitting in very careful poses. Women maintain a humble demeanor, always staying vigilant of the family’s needs” (Wiszowaty 49). Of course, at the water source where there are no men nearby, Robin sees Maasai women freely gossiping and joking at ease. Even in most public Kenyan schools, girls are expected to build the fire and collect water, allowing learning to drop to the bottom of their list of priorities. Meanwhile, boys are given much more freedom to learn (“School Visit”). The expectations of the community for women to “behave” are reinforced by an imaginary relationship to their rapidly changing world.
CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY
3.1: INTRODUCTION
The goal of this chapter is to give transparency to my research, which will allow the reader to understand, the participants, the methods and choices made throughout the research process. This chapter also gives a detailed account of the study site; giving the reader a better understanding of the environment involved.
3.2: THE PARTICIPANTS
Participants were eligible for this study if they were over the age of 13 and were part of, or working with, the education stakeholders in Loitokitok District.
A minimum age of 13 was imposed for this study as it is more complicated to interview children.
As well, parents may be illiterate which means that they are unable to sign consent forms for their children and although verbal agreement was used in many cases, parents are less willing to agree to their children being interviewed.
My goal was to interview at least 30 participants who are community members, non-community members, educators, educated and non-educated Maasai participants and key informants who could either be community members or who had worked closely with the community for several years.
3.3 INTERVIEW SESSIONS AND FOCUS GROUPS
The original style of data gathering was for individual semi-structured intense interviews, which were designed to obtain useful information from the participants through open ended questions.
This technique was appropriate to my study as I was trying to determine the challenges that the girls face in accessing formal education, and therefore I needed to find in-depth information about a slowly changing event from the perspective of the Maasai girls.
This technique is appropriate as a 'stand-alone method' (Longhurst, 2003, p. 120.)
Originally, the study was designed for individual interviews only; however, as the study progressed, I found that in certain cases, it was more convenient for the participants to be interviewed in groups. As many authors point out, the research process must be dynamic and the researcher must allow for changing techniques and rewording questions and other unexpected events (Hay, 2002; Longhurst, 2003; and Hoggart, Lees and Davies). I found the group interviews to be both a positive and a negative experience.
Since the questions were not tailored to focus group situations, I found that groups often got off track and some individuals stopped listening to each others' answers as the focus groups took longer than I had originally intended.
The interviewees were asked to answer between 8 and 14 questions and some key interviewees were asked 25. Originally, the interviews were designed to take about 45 minutes to an hour but were shortened to about 20 minutes in length once I began the interview process as I realized that I was interrupting the daily lives of the interviewees and they often had work to be accomplished. Some interviews were only partially completed. This was the case for educators as I was interrupting their daily routine and could only interview them during breaks. As a result, I established key questions that were answered by all participants and a rotating cycle of about five questions that were answered only by some.
3.4 DATA ANALYSIS
The data were collected through interviews and focus groups by taking notes. I went through my notes to find themes and collected relevant information into categories. During the process new themes would emerge, and themes would be further reduced, expanded and amalgamated, thus allowing for an ongoing process of revising and redefining the coding process. As this process took place, I found that themes developed and structured the findings of this study.
To test validity and reliability of methods for data collection, pre-testing of the questionnaire was done before actual collection to determine their clarity and relevance to the objective of the study. Pre-testing was done purposely to control the quality of questionnaire and the information obtained through them. The revised version of the questionnaire that was used in the study was translated in Kiswahili. The questionnaires for pre-testing were administered to twelve respondents drawn from the schools that were in the survey prior to the commencement of the study. Those respondents had similar characteristics as the respondents included in the main survey. The questionnaires were modified to incorporate lessons drawn from the pre-testing. All the respondents, who were involved in the pre-testing were excluded from the sample.
CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS AND FINDINGS
4.1: THE DISPARITY DATA
Taking an overview of the distribution of education in Loitokitok district, the enrolment at different level of the academic ladder reflects amazing disparities between the sexes. The table below illustrate this clearly:
TABLE4.1.1: LOITOKITOK DISTRICT – ENROLMENT IN PRIMARY SCHOOL BY SEX. (Source: Ministry of Education Annual Reports, 2000-2003).
Table 1 above, if observed without critical question, would be misleading.
The figure for girl enrolment seems to be rising and in fact there been an equal rise in figure for both sexes.
What is significant is, that girls number are all time less than 50% of the total enrolment.
Girls have not fared any better in secondary schools as their drop out rate in comparison to boys is quite high as illustrated in Table 2 below:
TABLE 4.1.2: SECONDARY SCHOOL DROP OUT RATE IN KIMANA DIVISION
However, the figures given in the table above are not representation of the Maasai school-going children and therefore cannot be generalized for that one particular community. Kimana is multi-tribal area and ethnic composition of educational participation is significant. For instance the non-Maasai minorities (Kikuyu, Kambas, Kisiis, etc) have displayed the greatest enthusiasm in education. There is evidence to support the assertion that substantial immigration into the district has recently taken place, primarily for residence (buying land) and education purpose.
The tertiary level gives no better picture with regards to enrolment of women students especially in the universities. The consequent of the low enrolment of women of this level shows that not many women get a chance to complete equally for the few position of decision-making and other professional areas. The grim picture of women education at national level is enough for one to tell how much worse an educationally lame district like Loitokitok could be. Girls have been subjected to a disadvantaged position in the Maasai society, an extension of the raw deal they have had in relation to education.
4.2: FACTOR CONTRIBUTING TO THE DISADVANTAGED POSITION OF GIRLS IN EDUCATION
4.2.1: Cultural influence
It has been argued that there is a lack of linkage between education and the cherished indigenous values and practices, hence the adverse influence that cultural factor had on the education of Maasai girls. There is an inherent gender bias which shapes the entire life-span of Maasai female. For instance, certain customary such as early marriages have seriously hampered the education of girls in Maasailand.
The earlier marriage, the more likely that a girl will drop-out of school prematurely and also the less the parent will enjoy the benefit of their daughter ‘education. Also an imminent early marriage is enough to discourage a girls’ effort in education.
(More information on this has been discussed in 4.2.11 a)
4.2.2: Distance
The disadvantages associated with rural setting such as the cost of constructing school in remote areas are many. In addition to the dispersed nature of educational facilities, the problem of distance has a far more heavy impact on girls than boys.
4.2.3: Rampant Teenage Pregnancies
Besides early marriages, the drop-out rates of girls in school in Maasai land have been propelled by percentages of teenage pregnancies. Some experts have cited careless relationships between male teacher and school girls to be the major cause of unwanted pregnancies. However, a general permissiveness that has pervaded the society and lack of relevant family counseling would constitute a strong argument on this issue.
4.2.4: Historical Factors
The current poor educational situation for girls is commonly a function of historical legacies. For instance the Maasai district of Loitokitok, Kajiado, Narok and Transmara were among the areas which were less developed during colonial days. There were no schools until after independence. Therefore, low enrolment rates can be attributed to lack of sufficient school facilities especially boarding schools for girls.
4.2.5: Family Factor
Against the backdrop of macro factors already mentioned above, it is the outcome of economic decisions made at household level that ultimately determines the level of female education. For girls, poverty severely hampers their educational opportunity. This is because the direct and indirect cost of sending a child to school is often more than poor family can afford. In addition, a daughter’ labour at home is commonly considered more valuable and justified than her time that she spent at school (for instance looking after cattle, fetch of water especially in such district where water is a big problem). Further the expected returns for educating girls are less than those expected for a male, resulting in less incentive to invest in educating a girl.
4.2.6: Ignorance of Parents
The low exposure of the parents to education, or none exposure to other lifestyles especially those of a literate society, may limit their knowledge on benefits of education. They may not be aware that the benefits of education are intergenerational and in fact accumulate over time hence the adverse consequent or function of the immediate environment of the people.
4.2.7: The ‘Girls’ Own Choice’
As girls become older it may be the decisions they make on their own behalf, either explicitly or implicitly that will determine whether or not they remain or will drop from school. When a girl sees marriage as the most appropriate option, education is likely to hold little value. And if we has had little exposure to models in the community portray alternative lifestyles of higher achievement and independence, her expectations will probably remain low. The low expectation will be reinforced, if employment prospects for the future are lacking. This is all to presume that the numerous handicaps encountered along the way coupled with the low expectations of those around her have been overcome thus having avoided the prophecy of under- achievement that would be written into life-script.
4.2.8: Economic Barriers
The economic barriers that deny education to Maasai girls in Kenya are numerous and, taken together, almost impossible for all but the most determined girls to overcome. Even when possible, Maasai girls have the added impediment of cultural beliefs that prevent many from enrolling or completing school.
They include:
(1) economic incentives for early marriage, such as cattle and cash dowries,
(2) the belief that the biological family does not benefit from educating a daughter, since the girl becomes a member of her husband's family when she marries, and they will reap the benefits,
(3) family and peer pressure for early marriage, as women are valued by the number of children they have,
(4) fear of early pregnancy, which is a disgrace prior to marriage and lowers the bride price, which perpetuates the practice of early marriage, and finally,
(5) the distances that a girl must walk to the nearest school make it unsafe, and even impossible for a nursery-school-age child.
4.2.9: Cost of Education
Maasai girls who do enroll in primary school attend public day schools which are free. But all students in Kenya are required to wear uniforms, and many families cannot afford even the uniform needed for their child to go to school. Public primary boarding schools, which offer many advantages, are prohibitively expensive for most Maasai families. The quality of education in these rural day schools is rarely adequate to prepare students for the national tests, which are required to go on to secondary school, because these schools are underfunded and woefully overcrowded, with a student-teacher ratio as high as 100 to 1.
For the exceptional girl who does pass the national test to graduate from primary school, all secondary schools in Kenya are boarding schools, and the annual cost is prohibitive for most Maasai but, if economically feasible, sons are always given priority.
4.2.10: Economic Barriers Unrelated to the Cost of Education
1. Economic incentives for early marriage. A daughter's marriage increases the wealth of Maasai girl's family through combined cattle and cash dowries and, since a girl joins her husband's family upon marriage, her father is relieved of the economic burden of supporting her. The practice of early marriage is also worsened by the increasing poverty of the Maasai people, which leads Maasai fathers to marry their daughters off at increasingly young ages.
2. Return on investment. For those few families that are able to pay education costs, there is a widespread cultural preference for educating sons first. This stems from the tradition that Maasai girls leave their parents' village and become a member of the husband's family upon marriage. Maasai fathers tend, therefore, to believe that their family will not benefit from investing in their daughter's education.
4.2.11:
a. Cultural Barriers
Traditionally, female education has been given a lower priority than male education for many reasons, including the expectation that women are meant to do village duties such as cooking, fetching water and firewood and taking care of the young and the sick. However, schooling for girls is also seen as a waste of money. This is because, traditionally, once a girl is married16, she becomes the property of her husband and his family. She is objectified capital. This means that if a family only has limited income to pay for school, they would rather not 'waste' it on someone who will become the property of another and who therefore will be unable to assist them financially in the future.
Since Independence, there has been a steady increase in the demand for women's equality, especially in educational situations. As one chief explained, the issues in the Maasai culture are that, men [are] being arrested for marrying teenagers but you are fighting an established religion. Leaders value early marriage and polygamy. The Maasai leaders are the ones who are supposed to enforce not marrying young girls but they value it, therefore, the culture is continuing. The leaders don't try to implement changes because more wives mean more respect. (May 27 2012).
An official from the Teacher's Commission of Kenya, who is also a Maasai community member went further and explained that "old men believe an educated girl will move out of the community, and will marry elsewhere and then they lose" (May 29 2012). He elaborated by saying "our girls who went to school, refused to undergo that rite [circumcision], and they were not accepted by the Maasai, they would not marry them. They had no other alternative but to [marry in] other communities”.
In the past, educated Maasai women were incompatible with their culture; this incompatibility has eased although it still persists to this day. Both sexes who are educated often find it difficult to find a spouse from their own community. This is because they do not find uneducated men and women up to their standards; however, men can remain part of their community and bring their new family with them, while the women are now part of another community.
The "loss of property" when educating girls is a huge component of the lack of female education in Maasailand, but there are other issues that are involved. Students are taught that circumcision is wrong in science class, they are taught that polygamy is wrong in religion class and finally, they are taught that they are able to choose who and when they will marry and that this is their own, and no-one else's, decision. These issues go against the traditional beliefs of the Maasai and are causing problems and conflict, as educated students develop new and different knowledge and experiences from that of their families.
Tito, a non-Maasai educator, pointed out that some families "want girls to stay at home because school oppose[s] early marriage and female circumcision.
Therefore, it is easier to leave the girls at home so parents don't have to fight with schools when they want to remove them" (June 8 2012). Natasha goes further and says, "if [a] women is educated, she doesn't want to leave school to be married out," (June 8 2012) which means that parents also hesitate to send their daughters to school to avoid opposition from them when it is time to be married.
These beliefs are changing. Felicity, a Maasai woman and mother and Natasha's daughter-in-law, explained that she will not allow her children to be married out "because
“I know the importance of education. I will support them until they are done and I won't circumcise my girls, because of education" (June 9 2012). Felicity continued with this idea and she seemed very passionate about it.
“We need Maasai to change culture. We need to educate females but the elders don't want to educate girls. Because girls can become pregnant while in primary school and they don't want to look after the baby while their daughter is in school. They believe that girls are a waste of property because they will be married out, therefore, they are traditionally no longer part of the family anymore. I want to change this system and have girls still be part of the family even when they are married. Traditionally, when girls get married, they leave the family. I want the community to understand that educating girls is good because they can remain part of the family and help out” (June 9 2012).
These women speak very passionately about educating their children and I believe that this could be because women have more to gain from being educated than men. Women have little political authority in their community, and with education women develop independence and a voice that has been lacking. They have changed their lives through increasing their institutional and embodied capital, as they are learning new ideas and are being told that they are equally as important as their male counterparts.
b. Family and peer pressure for early marriage
Early marriage is the most often cited reason that Maasai girls drop out of school. Maasai girls are taught that circumcision is a rite of passage into womanhood that accompanies puberty and an immediate precursor to marriage. Once circumcised, they are ridiculed by their peers if they continue their education, since school is for children. Further escalating the pressure for early marriage is the reality that in the Maasai culture women are traditionally valued on the basis of how many children they can produce for their husbands, not by how educated or economically successful they might become.
c. Fear of early pregnancy. Pregnancy is the second most frequent reason that girls drop out of school. In the Maasai culture, children as young as nine years old are not allowed to stay in the same house with their father, and instead sleep in a separate house without supervision. In addition, girls are not told how a woman becomes pregnant. This combined lack of supervision and ignorance make girls highly vulnerable to becoming pregnant, and pregnancy before marriage brings disgrace and a reduced bride price. Fear of premarital pregnancy is a common reason for parents to insist that their daughters leave school and marry early.
4.2.12: Physical Barriers
a. Walking distance to school.
Since the pastoral Maasai require significant land resources to graze their cattle, their villages are constructed far apart from each other. As a result, one school must serve several villages typically within a 15 to 20 kilometer radius. There are no cars, buses, or even bicycles available to Maasai children, so they must walk this great distance. Many girls are denied an education solely because of parental concerns for their safety during these long walks.
Even for those who make it to school, the long walks undermine education. Not surprisingly, teachers report that children who have spent two to five hours walking to school in the morning, often without having had anything to eat, are tired, and their ability to concentrate is impaired. Also, it is often late when children arrive home after such long walks, and they are still required to do chores. Even if they still have the desire and energy to study after they are finished with their responsibilities at home, it is dark and there is no electricity or artificial light.
b. The Nomadic Maasai Lifestyle.
The Maasai are a pastoral, nomadic society, and circumstances sometimes require that families move in order to find water and grass for their cattle. In drought conditions, a child's education is often interrupted or halted until the rains come, causing them to fall behind in their school work, or to stop attending school altogether.
c. Problems with Schools
Providing students with a meaningful education is almost impossible when there is a lack of facilities that includes school buildings and teaching materials. These issues are a major factor in the poor quality of education offered to children in Loitokitok. Mike explains how Free Primary Education (FPE) has increased the strain that is being put on the limited number of facilities in Loitokitok.
Even though there is FPE, Loitokitok is starting from a disadvantaged position as they never had the physical structures. Now there are so many more children attending school, without an increase in facilities to receive the increased number of children. Loitokitok is struggling because of a lack of facilities and it is getting worse since the establishment of FPE as more children are going to school; however, the infrastructure is the same as before so it is not enough for the increased number of students. For example, there are children sitting on floors and one textbook between 10 students or the school cuts time of classes so half of the students attend in the morning and the other half in the afternoon.
Free Primary Education has had a dramatic effect on many aspects of the educational system and has been contributing to problems throughout Loitokitok. Authors such as Akala (2002) have suggested that FPE was a ploy by the Kenyan government to get elected in the last election; however, I also believe that it is a component of neoliberal globalization since education is one of the main apparatus encouraging western ideals. Supranational organizations are promoting the ideal of education for all. In order for a country to develop its labour resources; it must be able to provide a western-style of education to its citizens, which promote western ideals and neoliberal economic principles. From this perspective, the current Kenyan government implemented FPE earlier than it could be supported realistically in order to win an election and continue to promote western hegemonic ideals (Akala, 2002).
All educators were asked "In your opinion, what are the biggest problems facing the formal education system in Kenya with regards to the Maasai girl child?" Each school representative answered that a lack of facilities and teaching materials were a constant issue when trying to give quality education. A typical answer came from Kennedy, a non- Maasai educator, who teaches at a private boarding school with the best facilities that I saw in Loitokitok. He said that there are "not enough resources such as books. There are not enough to give quality education. There is borrowing and sharing books between students and it is hard to give quality education when there are no enough resources." He continued to speak of the physical structures of his boarding school. "We are missing classrooms for a great number of students and we need to expand the dormitories" (August 1 2012).
A Maasai Registrar at Kenyatta University shared his reasoning why Maasai girls are doing so poorly.
“A lack of good educational foundation is preventing Maasai from achieving higher levels of education; therefore, they can't get further in school. Many Maasai girls aren't going to university because they lack the foundation that they should be receiving in preschool, primary and nursery” (August 27 2012).
He is suggesting that Loitokitok needs to first build quality facilities for preschool and primary school so that students are able to receive a quality foundational education, which they can later apply to secondary and post-secondary education.
The poor facilities are creating an environment that is not conducive to learning and preparation for modern life; however, educators and community members are demanding that the resources be updated in order for modernization to occur at this local level. The poor facilities are the background of my main argument. Modernization is and will continue to occur. This is changing the culture and lifestyle of the Maasai people generally; however, this raises the issue of whether these changes are going to be permanent and aid in the development of this community or whether, because of the poor quality of the resources, the community is at a standstill, waiting for development that cannot occur because the foundation to make it work is lacking? Will this enact change in the culture to the extent that it significantly changes Maasai landscapes? Will these new interactions cause positive or negative transformations for this community?
4.2.14: Lack of Female Role Models
The Maasai in general have not been attending school for very long. There are some examples of the older generations succeeding in school and in professional life.
The goal for most in the Maasai community is to achieve urban professionalism; however, this is an unrealistic goal for most youths in this generation.
They are lacking role models and connections to help them advance, and in fact have become one of the first generations to graduate and try to become professionals (Kimana Division Area Education Officer- May 26 2012).
Women professionals in the Maasai community are relatively few compared to that of other communities in Kenya. This leads to lower levels of social capital compared to those who participate with the dominant class, as they lack connections and social ties that have allowed this dominant class to reproduce itself. The choice of the previous generation to not engage with formal education and the modern professional world has contributed to the marginalization of the Maasai community.
There are few role models to help link these two different spaces, the modern and the traditional, which would help recently graduating students navigate through this new space. Most Maasai girls therefore have no one to look up to from their immediate community.
Educators are the other group who spoke about role models, aside from postsecondary graduates. The educators mainly spoke about role models in terms of Maasai teachers and male professionals. The majority of teachers employed at each school were from other areas, and they suggested that it would be best to encourage Maasai students to enter teachers' college and come back to their community and teach in local schools. The belief is that if this occurred, then Maasai families would be encouraged to send their children to school as they would see the benefits of education through gainful employment.
Momoi, a Maasai secondary school teacher reiterates this as he identifies other role models in the community besides teachers. "People, who have been educated and are getting jobs, are going back to the community and showing their success. This is motivating parents to send their children to school" (June 9 2012).
Janet, a Maasai Education Administrator points out that the Maasai community needs leaders who are literate to be role models. "Most leaders are men. There is nobody to campaign for girls to be in school. (June 9 2012).
As attitudes change and more girls are educated, the community is watching to see if those who graduate from secondary and post-secondary education will find jobs.
Kenya's job market is very competitive, and it is difficult to get a job even when educated. According to a high ranking government official, "when the Maasai graduates and doesn't get a job, they get discouraged. The entire community gets discouraged"
(Teacher's Commission of Kenya Official, June 20 2006).
A lack of role models and female professional connections compound the problems the girls face.
CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 CONCLUSION
Views on education are changing. There are families among the Maasai community who desire formal education for their daughters and who respect the ideas of development. The educators' views that the Maasai are not voluntarily participating in formal education does not seem to be entirely true. This research has shown that some Maasai families do want to send their daughters to school and although some do not fully understand the importance of attending classes regularly, they do understand how it can aid in their quest for engagement with the modern economy.
Despite being marginalized, the Maasai community is attempting to undo their isolation by participating in formal education to learn how to communicate and interact with other communities. They are attempting to modernize but they are being held back by the choices of previous generations, and structural constraints.
Education has become the newest concern for the community as it both threatens their lifestyle and fosters a desire and curiosity for western ideals and endeavours. This paper has shown that while some families are sending their daughters to school and thus are embracing change and modernization, there are others who contend that their traditional lifestyle is best. Despite the desire of individuals and the overall community, education is becoming a pervasive influence in all aspects of their life. Education has and is becoming a globalizing force as the world community has labelled it a human right.
This means that because Kenya is a member of organizations like the United Nations and has participated in world summits focusing on education, they have pledged to uphold the standards for education that the world has set. The Maasai are themselves experiencing the changes that a westernized formal education system is introducing to their personal and communal space.
5.2 RECOMMENDATIONS
Strategies for improving education of girls
1. There is need to sensitize nomadic parent on importance of educating children of the both sexes and total elimination undesirable element early marriages. Ultimately it may be necessary deploy chiefs to ensure that girls are not kept away from school.
2. There is need to attract qualified teachers to serve in pastoral areas to alleviate the serious problem of under-provision of personnel .In the long run however, it will be necessary to identify and train teachers of nomadic backgrounds since such teachers are likely to withstand the nomadic environment. Current efforts establish teacher training colleges in nomadic area is a move in the right direction, for instance the Loitokitok primary Teachers’ college.
3. A direct campaign to elicit parental support and participation in the education of girls is essential.
4. To curb the problem of teenage pregnancies and subsequent drop-out, religious and family counseling in church, mosques, schools and at home by all parties concerned such as parents, teachers, religious elders will need to be promoted. Some measures should be started to enable girls who have already fallen victim to these teenage pregnancies to continue their schooling to gain the increase in economic productivity and other attitudinal changes that education would provide. The high drop-out rate resulting from teenage pregnancies is a real social loss.
5. In the foreseeable future, the majority of pastoralist parents will be unable to meet the related expenses of the education of their children. In view of this government should step up its financial assistance to nomad pupils.
6. NGOs, could play a valuables complementing government services with non-formal community based programmers for those not being reached by the formal system or preferring a more flexible approach.
7. Head teachers should advice parents on how to properly use their resources on supporting their daughters’ academic performance other than making negative comments.
8. Stakeholders in education, that is, sponsors, Ministry of Education, teachers and politicians should sensitize parents on the need for family planning so that every child and particularly the girl child who is vulnerable is adequately entered to enhance her participation in education.
9. Family life programmes should focus on encouraging families not to exceed five children and place emphasis on one to three children as the ideal family size for people living above poverty line.
10. The government should effect affirmative action in education by providing for full fee waiver to the girl students.
The Benefits of women Education
1. Since women make more than half the population in Kenya, it is justifiable that they take an equal responsibility in decision- making in the society. However, this is not so because many are not qualified enough to take part in the policy process. They need appropriate skills and all these can be acquired through appropriate education.
2. An educated mother is a blessing to the entire society. Child improves and consequently total hygiene, which has great implication for performance in schools, is promoted.
3. Since women make 54% of the Kenya population and 90% of them live in rural areas, how can agriculture to be improved unless women are educated? The agriculture enterprise needs a qualified pool of the female labour.
4. There is a strong association between increased education and decreased fertility. This may be because of delayed marriages and increase in practice of contraception by the educated women who understand and appreciate the usefulness of child-spacing.
5. An intellectual loss will be avoided if women were given appropriate education. In the near future the developing world will need double engineers, teachers, architects, etc. The implication here is that the needs for manpower are so imperative that the Third world cannot afford to neglect half of its population, the women. Inequality in educational levels girls and boys is a significant factor underlying many socio-economic problems facing mankind.
References
Akala, Winston Jumba. 2002. "World Bank/IMF Policies on Teacher Recruitment and Re-Sizing in Kenya: A Critique." Southeastern Regional Seminar in African Studies (SERSAS) Conference.
Akama, John S. 1999. "Marginalization of the Maasai in Kenya." Annals of Tourism Research. Vol. 26, No. 3: 716-718.
Bentsen, Cheryl. 1989. Maasai Days. Anchor Books: New York
Fratkin, Elliot and Kelly, Philip. 1980. "Pastoralism: Governance and Development Issues." Annual Review of Anthropology. Vol. 26: 235-261.
Heward, Flint and Bunwaree, Colin.1990 Education, Society and Development The Guilford Press New York, pp. 361-386.
Hughes, Lotte. 2005. "Malice in Maasailand: The Historical Roots of Current Political Struggles." African Affairs. 104/415: 207-224.
Global Fund for Children, 2002.
Longhurst, Robyn. 2003. "Semi-Structured Interviews and Focus Groups." In Nicholas Clifford and Gill Valentine (Eds.) Key Methods in Geography. Sage Publications: London, pp. 117-132.
Rukwaro, R.W. and K.M. Mukono. 2001. "Architecture of societies in transition – the case of the Maasai of Kenya. Habitat International. 25: 81-98.
Wiszowaty, Robin. 2010. My Maasai Life: From Suburbia to Savannah. Greystone Books: Vancouver.
Educational Reports
Kenya. National Committee on Educational Objectives and Policies (Gachathi Report).(1976). Report of The National Committee on Educational Objectives and Policies. Nairobi: Government Printer.
Kenya. Presidential Working Party. (1981). Second University in Kenya: Report of the Presidential Working Party (Mackay Report).
Kenya. Presidential Working Party on Education and Manpower Training for the Next Decade and Beyond. (1988). Report of the Presidential Working Party on Education and Manpower Training for the Next Decade and Beyond (The Kamunge Report). Nairobi
Koech, Davy Kiprotich. (1999). Totally integrated quality education and training,
TIQET: report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Education System of Kenya (The Koech Report). Nairobi: Republic of Kenya.
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Ministry of Education, Science and Technology and UNICEF. (2005) Non-Formal Education (NFE): Nairobi Directory and National Summaries.
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Republic of Kenya, Ministry of Finance and Planning, District Development Plan 2002-2008.
APPENDIX: QUESTIONNAIRE
Questions for Maasai Girls in Schools
How is your life different from your parents/grandparents?
a) How many sisters do you have?
b) How many are in school
What are the main problems you face in your education?
How will access to education or lack of education affect your later life?
Has tradition affected your learning?
Questions for Educators
Do Maasai girls attend school because of government force or parental encouragement?
In your opinion what are the biggest problems facing the formal education system in Kenya with regards to the Maasai Girls?
What are the biggest changes that are taking place in the Maasai community because of access to education?
What changes do you think need to be done to the formal education system to better the Maasai girls?
Are there any other issues that you would like to discuss involving the Maasai and the formal education system in Kenya?
Rotating Questions
Do you believe that education is useful for the development of the Maasai community?
Why is there a gender bias in sending children to school for the Maasai?
What are the measures in place or being implemented to address this?
Has Free Primary Education addressed this imbalance in any way?
For the Maasai girls who participate in the formal education system, after graduation from primary school, do many of them go onto secondary school? To university/college?
Questions asked to Secondary School Educators
Why are few Maasai girls attending secondary school?
In your opinion, what are the biggest problems facing the formal education system in Kenya for the Maasai community? (Secondary education and in general)
What are the biggest changes that are taking place in the Maasai community because of the access to secondary education?
What changes do you think need to be done to the formal education system to better the Maasai community?
Is there anything else that you would like to discuss regarding the Maasai girls and the formal education system?
Questions for Key Informants
In your opinion what are the biggest problems facing the Maasai girls today?
How is education affecting the Maasai community?
How do you think the Maasai community perceives the effects of girl child education?
How does the government (or you) enforce this?
How do families respond to this?
Do you think that there is a way for girls to attend formal education and remain part of a traditional Maasai culture? If so, how?
Is there anything else that you would like to discuss regarding the Maasai girls and formal education?